Ottomans, Sultans and Young Turks
Prior to 1914 Ottoman Turkey was ruled by the Sultan who not only exercised temporal authority but, as Caliph and spiritual heir of the Prophet, was the titular religious head of Islam. The Sultan's power was exercised politically through the Grand Vizier. Prior to the move of the Imperial court from the Topkapi Palace, across the Golden Horn to the new Dolmabahce in the middle of the 19th century, all power was centred at Topkapi which today remains an outstanding tourist attraction containing immense amounts of Ottoman treasures, the former barracks of the Imperial Guard, the Treasury, arsenal, harem and the throne room where the Sultan officially received foreign delegations.
The Ottoman Empire comprised many
ethnic, political, linguistic and religious groupings and tolerable
towards these providing they stayed loyal towards the Sultan. It
was however cumbrous and by the mid-19th century a combination of
internal and external stresses on an antique infrastructure made it
apparent that collapse of the Empire and Ottoman rule was imminent.
The Sultan came under increasing pressure to introduce political
reforms and in 1876 when Sultan Abdul Hamid II ('The Damned')
succeeded to the throne he reluctantly accepted the 'Midhat
Constitution' designed to limit his absolute power, but soon
reneged and resumed absolute rule in 1878, holding onto power until
1908 when, after years of plotting by army officers and the
professional classes, many of them exiled to western Europe, a
group of the former, 'The Committee of Union and Progress'
(popularly known as the 'Young Turks') sparked off a revolution,
aiming for a more liberal regime, to restore the national pride of
a nation generally dismissed as 'the sick man of Europe' and ensure
effective government. The Midhat Constitution was revived and the
Sultan agreed to initiate democratic elections.
The Young Turks were headed
by Enver Bey, a Macedonian army officer, later to become War
Minister at a crucial time. Their political commissar was Mehmet
Talaat , (1874-1921) destined to become Interior Minister. Two
other prominent members of the junta were Ahmed Djemal (1872-1922)
a future Navy minister, and Mehmet Djavid Bey (1876-1925) of Jewish
origin, later Finance Minister. All these men were destined to die
violently in the turbulent years following the collapse of Ottoman
Turkey in 1918. Amongst many young army officers who privately
sympathised with the movement was Mustafa Kemal,born in Salonika in
1881 who, though suspected by the ubiquitous secret police of
dissident activity, prudently kept his own counsel. He had his own
agenda and was prepared to bide his time.
Despite the 1906 revolution the
empire continued to fall apart. There was rebellion in Albania and
attacks by Kurds and Bedouins on the German-built Hedjaz railway in
Arabia . In the Yemen there were challenges from the Hashemite
sheriff of Mecca , contesting the Sultan's right as Caliph to
control revenues from the Muslim holy places. Abdul Hamid was
forced to abdicate in 1909 and his brother succeeded him as Mehmet
V, but the empire's decline merely accelerated. In 1910 Crete
declared its independence and in the following year a disastrous
war with Italy (during which the Italian fleet bombarded the
Dardanelles forts) led to the loss of Libya, Rhodes and the
Dodecanese Islands. The Balkan War of 1912-13 revealed the courage
of the foot soldiers but also the dismal performance of the old
Ottoman officer class. It also led to a dangerous under-estimation
of Turkish military prowess by the British and French General
Staffs.
Turkey had now all but lost its
last toe-hold in Europe but the defeats actually strengthened the
position of the Young Turks. In 1913 Enver Pasha married into the
Ottoman royal family (who privately regarded him as an upstart of
low birth) and promptly instigated a Putsch which saw the
assassination of the Grand Vizier, Shevket Pasha.
The events of the previous forty
years had been studied with interest in Berlin where a golden
opportunity to expand German influence was perceived. Kaiser
Wilhelm II paid state visits to Turkey in 1889 and 1898. There had
been a German Military mission at Constantinople since the 1880s;
this was now strengthened at the request of Enver and the highly
competent General Otto Liman von Sanders placed at its head, as
Inspector-General of the Ottoman army.. Berlin's long term aim was
to manipulate Turkey as a bastion of Islam and a lever against the
British Raj in India and to prepare a springboard for operations
against the Suez Canal, Britain's Imperial artery. German financial
support was forthcoming - with strings - for the
Constantinople-Baghdad railway. Turkish officers attended German
Military academies and Turkish engineers and doctors were trained
in Germany. The Germans made a point of appointing their best
diplomats to their embassy in Constantinople.
Despite these developments
Anglo-Turkish trade links remained strong; with a strongly
pro-British and French lobby in high Turkish circles. Britain had
long maintained consulates throughout Asia Mmor, primarily to
supply intelligence on Russian activities threatening the North
West frontier of India. There was a large expatriate population in
all the major cities, engaged in commerce and industry of every
description. A British naval mission under Vice Admiral Limpus was
reforming the decrepit Ottoman fleet in 1914, and much work had
been done under his supervision to strengthen the seaward defences
of the Dardanelles. Negotiations were in hand for the purchase, for
the Ottoman navy, of two super-dreadnaughts from Britain originally
destined for Brazil, and a national fundraising scheme was set up
throughout Turkey; contributions poured in from all levels of
society. Crews for these ships, the Sultan Osman I and Reshidye
were sent to England in the summer of 1914 and it was a terrible
shock when, on the eve of war in August 1914 Winston Churchill, as
First Lord of the Admiralty, impounded and transferred them to the
Royal Navy as HM Ships Agincourt and Erin, both of which would
fight at Jutland in 1916.. As an act of Realpolitik it was logical
but insensitive and did much to propel Turkey into the war on the
side of the Central Powers.
Throughout the summer of 1914 the
German battle-cruiser Goeben and its escorting cruiser Breslau had
been in the Mediterranean, Adriatic and Aegean, paying several
conspicuous visits to Constantinople where they anchored off the
German embassy, dressed overall and floodlit at night. They
appeared without warning off the French north African ports on 2
August, bombarding them before heading for Constantinople, where
they were handed over to the Turkish navy with their crews to
compensate for the loss of the two 'British' super-dreadnoughts.
Admiral Limpus and his mission were expelled from the Ottoman
empire. Instead of being appointed commander of the Anglo-French
fleet now assembling to blockade the Dardanelles, Limpus went to
Malta as Superintendent of the dockyard, thus depriving the allies
of a naval commander with profound knowledge of Turkish naval and
military dispositions.
As Europe hovered on the edge of war
Enver had concluded a secret Treaty with Germany without committing
Turkey to immediate military action. This was signed on 1 August
1914. Under its terms, Turkey would enter the war as soon as Russia
opened hostilities against the Central Powers.
Within a year of his arrival in
Turkey with his German training team, Otto Liman von Sanders,
appointed as its Inspector-General, had transformed the Ottoman
army, ruthlessly sacking idle and incompetent commanders, imposing
Prussian disciplines and displaying great ability in spotting
talent in the oncoming generation of young officers. The entrance
of the Dardanelles was closed to international shipping, although
Enver permitted the two German warships to enter following their
escape from the Mediterranean fleet.
Photograph:
General Otto Liman Von Sanders